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Nikole Hannah Jones, a New York Times columnist, and main author of the award winning 1619 Project,  recently set the internet ablaze as she chronicled the agonizing decisions she and her husband made to provide her daughter with the best education possible in a deeply segregated New York City school system. Jones deftly describes New York’s public and private educational universe that consistently clumps Black and Brown students of less means, in schools that are chronically underresourced. New Yorkers with better means, who are most often white or Asian, either live in neighborhoods with better traditional public schools, send their children to private schools, or spend money on tutoring and enrichment activities to position their children to enter the city’s highly  selective and restrictive public schools.  Needless to say, Black and brown children are woefully underrepresented in these schools even though they make up a substantial portion of New York City’s school age population. Jones knows these circumstances all too well. She has written insightfully on the lingering inequality and discrimination of school systems across the country. She even penned an incisive essay on St. Louis education in 2014 to help contextualize the tragedy of Michael Brown’s death. Around that time, she also published a first person essay on her family’s decision to send her daughter Najya to a school near her Brooklyn home that Jones describes as “segregated” and “high-poverty.” Jones definitely could have sent Najya to better resourced schools as most other parents with her level of resources most often do. But in Jones’s past writing, she has critiqued these decisions, arguing that they sustain systemic inequality, leaving poorer Black and Brown students stuck in struggling schools. Realizing that personal decisions have larger political ramifications, Jones hoped that sending her child to a lower performing school could inspire other parents like her to do the same. She could also show these parents that choosing their politics and what was best for their children academically  were not mutually exclusive. I won’t discuss the details of her experiences. Jones, a Pulitzer prize winning author, is more than capable. I will say that her decision gave her a new, intimate sense of what her reporting had proven all along. Jones’s daughter encountered teachers who were overwhelmed by so many students who were inadequately prepared and/or had learning disabilities. Najya, who was a bright and capable student, often felt neglected as so much attention was devoted to her classmates with greater academic deficits and behavioral problems. She often had homework that went unchecked and took school assessments that were never evaluated. When Jones and her husband reached out to the school for answers, their emails and phone calls often went unanswered. In middle school, Najya fortunately had a more competent and responsive principal. However, the school was beset by similar problems such as no homework given, class disruptions, and not enough time devoted to more capable students. This, along with Najya’s elementary school experience left her unprepared as she began to consider high school options. Things came to a head when Najya accused Jones of choosing her politics over her own daughter. Jones was subsequently forced to reconsider the principled stances she took in the past and wrestle with the effect it had on Najya. Jones also wondered if her daughter was given sufficient agency to make her own schooling decisions even though she often expressed, “I don’t want to go to this school.” This is the premise of Jones’s soul-searching journey. She leaves the article and us with no easy answers. Her article has received a multitude of responses and is the subject of multiple think pieces. Quite predictably, conservatives, still fuming from the 1619 Project, have portrayed Jones’s story as yet another example of “woke gone wrong.” They bypass the core of her article which focuses on systematic inequality and instead blame Black communities and their values (or lack thereof) for the educational crisis they face. However, even Black folks with similar politics have questioned Jones’s decision. Many have claimed that she subjected her child to educational malpractice for her lofty ideals. Simply put, if she had the means to explore other options, she should have used them. I think that Jones should be commended. Many of us have these struggles in private and lack the courage and humility to question very personal and political decisions out loud. Jones also deserves grace when considering the educational choices she made. She followed where her heart and reporting led her. She surely would have been roundly criticized for advocating one thing for Black parents in print while choosing another path for herself in private. Ultimately, she conveys both the enormity and seeming impossibility of circumstances not of her making. The problem is not the choice that she made, but that she had to make one at all. I am certain that many of Jones’s colleagues at the New York Times do not face the conundrum of sending their children to a top flight academic school or one where their culture is affirmed. Even if they are liberal and aware of the public ramifications of such decisions, many choose the path of least resistance, and thus sustain the current system. What I often found interesting in the responses to Jones’s article is that the underperforming schools where her daughter attended were seen as representative of all Black schools. Despite long histories of discrimination and a lack of resources, there are many examples of Black educators and communities who have heroically maintained quality schools that have high expectations, innovative curricula, expert teachers, and strong leadership. There is also a tradition of Black communities, who, when faced with similar challenges as Jones, created their own schools. Still, these examples do not negate Jones’s real experiences, and more importantly, countless other families like hers. They exist within a larger system of deliberate failure that imperils far too many Black children. At the same time, we would be mistaken if we concluded that schools with more resources are by default better, particularly when considering the education of Black children. Najya saw this first hand when attending a white high school where she constantly encountered racist microaggressions. These experiences helped her better appreciate the cultural grounding she received at the underresourced schools she attended earlier. And many Black people who have attended or sent their children to predominantly white institutions have testimonials of unresponsive leadership, aloof teachers, and coursework that fails to reflect the diversity of the school’s student body. Resources and also the reputation of whiteness often mask these deficiencies. As Jones aptly states, regardless of the school a Black family chooses, “there is nearly always going to be a struggle. It’s just a matter of which one.” We can recognize both the enormity of the problem highlighted by Jones and be mobilized by it. It is at once intimidating and inspiring. Along with the broader discussions of history, structural inequality, and systemic racism, Jones’s article is a family story. And while a storybook ending does not seem imminent for Black education, Jones hints that Nyaja has gained an appreciation (along with her frustration) of the choices her mother made. We see in Najya a budding consciousness. And hopefully, we will see the sister continuing to make sense of it all, and like her mother, do something about it. If so, this would be the most valuable lesson to be learned.

From TV to YouTube, to podcasts and even TikTok, ads for sports betting platforms like Kalshi, Polymarket, FanDuel and DraftKings have been appearing everywhere. So much so that the betting ads expanded to betting on reality shows like “Love Island USA” over the summer. And while these brands have boasted about how quick and easy they are for users, researchers are finding issues with the impact these platforms can have on communities. Most recently, New York Attorney General Letitia James filed a lawsuit against Polymark after an investigation found that the platform’s prediction market was an illegal, unlicensed gambling operation that exposes New Yorkers – including those under the legal gambling age of 21 – to serious personal and financial risk. The Attorney General’s lawsuit claims that Polymarket’s prediction market can be qualified as gambling because the outcomes of the events on which its users are betting are uncertain and outside the control of the bettor or hinge on a game of chance. “Our gambling laws exist to protect New Yorkers, prevent the potential harms of problem gambling, and ensure funding for educational and public benefit programs,” Attorney General James said in a press release shared with theGrio. “By skirting New York’s laws, Polymarket is targeting the most vulnerable and depriving New York families of critical services and support. My office will never hesitate to take action to defend our laws and keep New Yorkers safe.” In addition to Polymarket’s alleged failure to obtain a license from the New York State Gaming Commission, thus forfeiting its tax payment requirements, the lawsuit also revealed that the company’s prediction market was available to users between the ages of 18 and 20, despite the state’s law requiring users to be 21+ to participate in mobile sports betting. Addressing the early exposure, James underlined the impact gambling can have on people’s mental health and financial well-being. Recent studies from the National Institute of Health and the American Psychological Association found that early exposure to gambling increases the likelihood of depression, anxiety, mood swings, financial stress, and, in some cases, suicide ideation.  However, there is a history of Black communities being disproportionately impacted by gambling. According to a 2025 Pew poll found that Black adults (30%) are more likely to bet on sports than their white counterparts (19%). And that’s not surprising when you look at the number of Black celebrities who have publicly endorsed these sports betting platforms, including Kevin Hart, Megan Thee Stallion, Shaquille O’Neal, Lisa Leslie, Michael Jordan, LeBron James, Jamie Foxx, and more. Sports betting has even found its way into rap music with rappers like Drake mentioning Polymarket in songs like “Shabang.”  Since the Supreme Court t overturned a longstanding federal law banning state-authorized sports betting, the number of legal sportsbooks increased exponentially, thus laying the groundwork for online sportsbook platforms which have since grown in popularity. Experts say that 94% of modern-day sports betting takes place online, with users needing nothing more than a smartphone, internet connection, and a couple of dollars. “Sports betting has become deeply embedded in our culture,” medical student Matthew Allen told UC San Diego. “From relentless advertising to social media feeds and in-game commentary, sportsbooks are now everywhere. What was once a taboo activity, confined to the fringes of society, has been completely normalized.” And unfortunately, studies have shown that Black communities bear a “disproportionate share of gambling’s social and economic costs, including debt, family conflict, and co‑occurring mental health issues.” And with the gamification and mass advertising of sports betting platforms online, Black men, particularly young Black men, continue to be the primary targets. A 2021 study of rural African American adolescents found that youth who gambled showed substantial levels of gambling-related problems, with risk patterns similar to or more severe than those reported in studies observing predominantly white people.  So while James is seeking a court order to stop Polymarket from operating as an unlicensed gambling business in New York state and require the company to pay fines, forfeit all illegal gains, and pay restitution to users, elements of her lawsuit spotlight a larger call to action about how platforms like it have an impact on our communities.  

A new study by Silent Spring Institute, the most comprehensive analysis to date, identified dozens of hazardous chemicals in hair extensions, including products made from human hair, providing the strongest evidence yet of the potential health risks associated with this largely unregulated category of beauty products that disproportionately affect Black women.

On August 11, a powerful storm garnering winds that exceeded 100 miles per hour tore into Lake County, Indiana, causing a blackout that affected nearly 370,000 people. By now, most of Gary residents have regained electricity, but unfortunately are still devoid of power. Perhaps it is no coincidence that the event occurred almost 21 years to the date of Hurricane Katrina, another devastating weather event that disproportionately impacted Black people. Unfortunately, policymakers have been unable or unwilling to heed the lessons of Katrina. Gary, Indiana is unique in the racial composition of the city, nearly 80% Black and its historic overreliance on industry, and subsequent deindustrialization, has left the city tragically vulnerable to climate change, capitalism, and racism in a state that once boasted the largest Ku Klux Klan membership in the nation. Some, such as Mediaite’s Brad Slager has claimed that reporters have rushed to attribute Gary’s recent woes to racism, merely because it was an “easier angle.” Slager noted that much of Gary’s top officials are Black, thus making racism an unlikely culprit for the nearly two week blackout in Gary. Yet, Gary’s challenges are deeply rooted and go well beyond the actions or perhaps inactions of any current public official. Gary was founded in 1906, just outside of southern Chicago by the U.S. Steel Company. It is the namesake of the company’s cofounder Elbert Gary. As early as 1908, the city’s small Black population was forced to send their children to separate, underresourced schools. Even after the population increased due to the Great Migration, basic services, such as the city’s hospitals were closed to Blacks. By the 1960s, when Gary became predominantly Black, the city’s foundational steel mill closed. This ironically coincided with the election of Richard Hatcher as the city’s first Black mayor. Thus, Black people finally gained a modicum of power in a city that lacked a sufficient tax base, was bereft of resources, and had few friends in the state capital of Indianapolis.  That vulnerability has largely lasted until the present day. This has largely left the city vulnerable to predatory capitalism. For instance, the utility company that services Gary, the Northern Indiana Public Service Company (NIPSCO), charges the highest rates of any investor-owned electric company in the state. And just last year, the company was approved for an additional rate increase. However, these higher fees have not resulted in improved service. Nearby Porter County has filed a lawsuit against the company alleging that NIPSCO’s failure to trim trees near power lines left customers especially susceptible to a power outage. While a regional problem, Gary was particularly impacted by the loss of power. After a week of the blackout, other nearby municipalities such as East Chicago, Dyter, Hobart, and Merrillville regained electricity. By that time, Gary had not even appeared on NIPSCO’s schedule for restoring power, according to the city’s mayor, Eddie Melton. Perhaps, the most deplorable aspect of Gary, is that we know that it will happen again. Maybe not Gary, but somewhere. The increasing severity of weather events has not curtailed the nation’s (and much of the world’s) addiction to fossil fuels. Severe natural disasters have devastated underserved communities in the United States such as St. Louis in 2025, and nations of color like Nepal last month. The ongoing migrant crisis in Africa is largely fueled by climate change (along with decades of colonialism and neocolonialism). Perhaps, the most frightening aspect of such disasters are their unpredictability. No one knows when they will come, where they will strike, nor who they will come for. We are all potentially in the path of destruction.  

The United Nations General Assembly has overwhelmingly backed a resolution aimed at changing the way Africa and other regions are represented on world maps. The "Correct the Map" resolution, introduced by the West African country of Togo on behalf of the African Group (the 54 African member states at the U.N.) and supported by the African Union, was adopted on Friday by a vote of 164 to one, with six countries abstaining. The United States was the only country to vote against it. Before the vote, Togo's Foreign Minister Robert Dussey said maps are far more than simple representations of geography. "Maps shape our understanding of the world. They guide education, nourish the imagination, and influence collective perceptions," Dussey said. "It's time for us in Africa to take responsibility to change what we can change ourselves." The resolution is not legally binding and does not require countries or institutions to abandon the centuries-old Mercator projection, one of the world's most widely used maps. Instead, it encourages wider use of equal-area projections such as Equal Earth, which more accurately show the true relative size of countries and continents, particularly Africa, although their shapes are somewhat distorted. Members of the Correct the Map campaign are encouraging governments, international organizations and educational institutions to adopt the Equal Earth projection. Developed in 2018 by cartographers Tom Patterson, Bernhard Jenny and Bojan Šavrič, the map was designed to provide a more proportionally accurate picture of the world's land masses. That contrasts with the traditional Mercator projection. Created in 1569 by Flemish cartographer Gerardus Mercator, it preserves the shape of land masses but distorts their size, with regions closer to the poles appearing significantly larger than they actually are. The Mercator projection was developed primarily for navigation. It allowed sailors to plot courses along straight lines while maintaining a constant compass bearing, making it particularly useful for explorers and navigators. But in an interview with NPR last year, Patterson, a former senior cartographer at the U.S. National Park Service, said the Mercator projection can create a misleading impression when used as a general-purpose world map. "If you're using the Mercator map as a world map, say, in the classroom, students would just have a completely warped view of the size of countries in the world," Patterson said. Critics have long argued that the projection's distortion makes northern regions appear disproportionately large, while Africa and other areas closer to the equator appear smaller than they really are. Supporters of the Correct the Map campaign say a different projection could help provide a fairer visual representation of the world and challenge longstanding misconceptions about Africa's size and importance. But the United States strongly opposed the initiative. In a statement after the vote, Yaryna Ferencevych, deputy U.S. representative to the U.N. Economic and Social Council, accused the United Nations of promoting an ideological agenda and distracting from more pressing issues. "Resolutions like this and the ideological agenda they promote, are barnacles on our work here, and the reason this institution is losing its credibility," the statement read. The vote was welcomed by the African Union which has backed the Correct the Map campaign. In a statement on X, the African Union said: "Today's resolution promotes equal-area maps like Equal Earth across classrooms, media, and international institutions, ensuring the world map finally reflects Africa's true scale, weight, and place in the world." Patterson expressed his surprise upon seeing the news. "Wow. When we [Bojan Šavrič and Bernie Jenny] created the Equal Earth projection in 2018, we never imagined this," he wrote on social media. Carlos Lopes, a professor at the University of Cape Town in South Africa and a prominent advocate of the campaign, also celebrated the result. Posting on X after the vote, he wrote: "164 votes in favour! This is an emotional day for me."

The Maryland Department of Juvenile Services recently uncovered a burial site within a mile of the Cheltenham Youth Detention Center in Prince George’s County, according to the governor’s office. It is believed to be the final resting place for more than 230 children who died in state custody.